Donald Trump used his platform on CNN to lash out at E Jean Carroll just a day after a jury found that he had sexually abused and defamed the former journalist. Ms Carroll, 79, sued the former president for raping her in a dressing room at a Bergdorf Goodman in New York in 1996, and then “destroying” her reputation when he claimed she was lying. The jury didn’t find Mr Trump liable of raping Ms Carroll, but it found the one-time president more likely than not sexually abused Ms Carroll. Mr Trump was also found liable for defamation and awarded her a total of $5m. The twice-impeached president mocked Ms Carroll at the CNN town hall that aired just a day after the verdict. The town hall has been severely criticised as divisive and even being “a volcano of bulls***” by commentators who accused the network of providing Mr Trump a platform for airing several dubious claims. He described her as a “whack job” and called the trial “rigged”. He was asked what he would tell voters who said the verdict disqualifies him from being president. “Well there aren’t too many of them because my poll numbers just came out – they went up,” Mr Trump said to the crowd which, according to CNN, was composed of Republicans and undecided voters. The former president also called Ms Carroll’s allegations a “made-up story”. “I swear on my children, which I never do, I have no idea who this woman – this is a fake story, a made-up story,” he said. Mocking her, he said he was too famous to hang around department stores. Ms Carroll had told the jury in her testimony that she and Mr Trump had engaged in playful banter after a chance encounter at Bergdorf Goodman one evening in the mid-1990s. But after taking an escalator up to a deserted 6th floor to look for lingerie, Mr Trump led her to a dressing room, pushed her up against a wall and sexually assaulted her. “I was very famous then and I owned the Plaza Hotel right next door and I owned the buildings around it – I’m not going into a dressing room of a crowded department store,” he said at the town hall. He also reiterated claims he did not know Ms Carroll at all, and called the trial “rigged.” “She wasn’t raped, OK? … And I didn’t do anything else either, OK, because I don’t know who the hell she is,” he said during the town hall, as the audience was heard laughing. Earlier on Tuesday after the verdict, Mr Trump had falsely claimed he “wasn’t able to defend” himself in the trial after he rejected an offer to testify. On Tuesday morning, the former president wrote on Truth Social that he was “waiting for a jury decision on a False Accusation where I, despite being a current political candidate and leading all others in both parties, am not allowed to speak or defend myself, even as hard nosed reporters scream questions about this case at me”. Read More Five key takeaways from CNN’s divisive town hall with Donald Trump E Jean Carroll reveals she was ‘shaken’ throughout Trump civil rape trial before ‘overwhelming’ verdict CNN’s anchors and insiders lead horrified reaction to Trump town hall: ‘We’re going to get crushed’ Ivanka and Jared split over attending Trump 2024 launch – follow live Why was Donald Trump impeached twice during his first term? Four big lies Trump told during his 2024 presidential announcement

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“Intense internal deliberation,” Manchester United called it in something of a holding statement. Mason Greenwood’s future is the subject of rather more than that; it is a situation with considerable and potentially colossal implications, on and off the pitch. It will affect, and probably damage, United’s reputation. It will probably give their various sponsors a question of whether to terminate their relationship with the club. It certainly could bring a backlash against entirely blameless players in their women’s team. At some stage, an announcement will come whether Greenwood’s contract is terminated or whether he will play for United again. The club said the “fact-finding” stage of their investigation into his conduct is complete and that chief executive Richard Arnold will make the final decision; and yet the belief is that the decision is made and that Greenwood will stay. This is a moral, commercial and footballing issue: even perhaps the world’s biggest club have seemed ill-equipped to deal with an issue of its magnitude and sensitivity. The bare facts are that in January 2022, disturbing audio emerged of a voice, assumed to be Greenwood’s, as a man tried to force himself upon a woman. Greenwood was subsequently arrested and later charged with attempted rape, assault occasioning actual bodily harm and controlling and coercive behaviour. The charges were dropped in February 2023 by the Crown Prosecution Service when new material emerged and key witnesses withdrew their involvement. United then opened their internal investigation. Since then, Greenwood has remained suspended by the club, unable to play or train. United can argue a six-month investigation is a sign of how thorough it has been: they say they have spoken to plenty of people and considered evidence that is not in the public domain. Yet concluding it was always likely to be a problematic part: perhaps it would have been easier if it was done in June, in the off-season. Instead, it has been mishandled. United had communicated privately that they would reveal their decision before the start of their campaign. It kept being put back: originally slated for 4 August, it was later said it would not be made on last Wednesday or Thursday, then not on Friday, either. But part of the process was that United needed to communicate with what they termed key stakeholders: they include sponsors and commercial partners, fans’ groups and their women’s team. And the fact that some of the players are in Australia, trying to win the World Cup, seemed to have passed United by and led to suggestions the decision was in their hands and the sadly inevitable social medial abuse. With the Women’s World Cup final on Sunday and the prospect of the players having time off before returning to United, it means an announcement may not come until September. But, with each step, it seems ever more likely that they are trying to find a way to explain that Greenwood will return to the club. There is little doubt that keeping Greenwood would bring outrage, and not merely outside Old Trafford; certainly some staff would be unhappy and it would be entirely understandable if members of the Women’s side were too (that United only formed a Women’s team in 2018 showed a lesser commitment than many of their rivals displayed). Eight of the men’s squad have joined since Greenwood last played but he is not thought to have been universally popular in the dressing room when he was involved. Meanwhile, there are other aspects to consider. The alleged victim cannot be named for legal reasons; her anonymity is important, though it also means the picture visible to the wider world is incomplete. United are yet to divulge the findings of their investigation. One finding, in particular, should be key in a society where there ought to be some scope for rehabilitation of the repentant: is Greenwood sorry or just sorry he got caught? He and United can argue that he was not convicted of any criminal offence, though that does not automatically render him an innocent man. They can say he has suffered a punishment by already losing 18 months of a relatively short career. They would probably be right if they concluded that virtually any other club would keep Greenwood; unpleasant as that suggestion will be, it is a reality of football. Even for a club of United’s wealth – with an annual turnover of around £600m and having spent about £170m on signings this summer – would be reluctant to let a footballer with the talent to be worth £100m go. Their owners, the Glazer family, have rarely seemed aligned with what fans desire. The manager, Erik ten Hag, has a team who scored too few league goals last season. Meanwhile, Greenwood, still only 21, is United’s youngest goalscorer in Europe; only Norman Whiteside and George Best scored more for United as teenagers. Does any of that matter? Many would say no. In an assessment of his character, it certainly does not. But there is a double standard in football. Were a steward, a kitman or a press officer to have behaved as Greenwood did, it would be a simple decision to dismiss them for gross misconduct. But footballers are treated differently and United are wrestling with the question of how to justify that. 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The video was shocking — not just for what it showed but also for what was said. Yevgeny Prigozhin, the outspoken millionaire head of the private military contractor Wagner, stood in front of the bloodied bodies of his slain troops in Ukraine and yelled expletive-riddled insults at Russian military leaders, blaming them for the carnage. “They came here as volunteers and they died to let you lounge in your red wood offices,” Prigozhin shouted. “You are sitting in your expensive clubs, your children are enjoying good living and filming videos on YouTube. Those who don’t give us ammunition will be eaten alive in hell!” It was a disquieting display for Russians used to more than two decades of rigidly controlled rule by President Vladimir Putin — years with little sign of infighting among his top lieutenants. Prigozhin's video in May and his other rants against the military leadership have been met with silence from Putin, as well as the brass. Some see Putin's failure to squelch the infighting as a sign of potential shifts in Russia’s political scene that set the stage for more internal battles. Prigozhin's rift with the military has been ignored by state-controlled TV, where most Russians get their news, although it is followed closely by the politically active, ultrapatriotic readers and viewers on social media networks, which share his contempt for military leaders. While there are no indications that Putin is losing influence, “there are growing signs of deep dysfunction, anxiety, worry about the war and real problems in marshaling the resources necessary to fight it effectively,” said Nigel Gould-Davies, a senior fellow for Russia and Eurasia at the International Institute for Strategic Studies and the editor of its Strategic Survey. Prigozhin’s feud with military leaders goes back years, and it spilled into the open amid the fighting for the eastern Ukrainian city of Bakhmut that was spearheaded by his mercenaries. It has pushed the 62-year-old Wagner owner, dubbed “Putin's chef” for his lucrative Kremlin catering contracts, to the forefront of Russian politics and signaled his growing ambitions. He scathingly criticized Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu and the chief of the General Staff Gen. Valery Gerasimov, as weak and incompetent in mocking statements full of vulgar language. At one point, he even alleged the army planted mines on the route his fighters planned to use and opened fire at them. With his crude remarks, Prigozhin ventured into territory where only Putin had gone before: Over the years, the Russian leader occasionally broke decorum with an earthy remark or off-color joke, while top officials used carefully worded language. In a later video, Prigozhin made a statement that some have interpreted as a thinly veiled attack on Putin himself. He declared that while his men were dying due to the Defense Ministry’s failure to supply ammunition, a “happy granddad is thinking he’s doing well,” and then referred to that “granddad” with an obscenity. The blunt comment caused a social media uproar, where it was broadly seen as a reference to Putin. Prigozhin later said he was talking about Gerasimov. “Prigozhin is now sailing much closer to the wind than he ever has,” Gould-Davies told The Associated Press. Sergei Markov, a pro-Kremlin political commentator, described Prigozhin as “the second-most popular man after Putin” and a “symbol of Russia’s military victory for millions of people.” Putin needs Prigozhin's mercenaries at a time when the regular military is still recovering from setbacks earlier in the invasion. The Wagner chief's position was bolstered after the private army captured Bakhmut last month in the war’s longest and bloodiest battle, relying on tens of thousands of convicts who were promised pardons if they survived six months of fighting. “Putin dominates the system, but he still sort of depends upon a small number of big people to implement his will, to provide him with resources to carry out his orders, including fighting the war,” Gould-Davies told AP. While Putin may adhere to keeping various factions divided and then intervening to “decide who wins and who loses, and who’s up and who’s down,” the process erodes the government's authority in wartime, Gould-Davies said. “That may be a way of keeping the political system going, but it’s certainly not the way to fight the war, because if your military forces are divided and if they’re not fighting together effectively, then your military operations will suffer accordingly and that’s exactly what’s happening here,” he said. Mark Galeotti, a London-based expert on Russian politics and security, noted the infighting was continuing even as Ukraine is in the early stages of its long-expected counteroffensive — "a point when really everyone should have one single common goal.” In a recent podcast, he speculated that Putin’s failure to resolve political disputes could be rooted in a lack of interest, a focus on other issues or, more likely, a reluctance to take sides. “It also raises questions about his overall capacity to do his job,” Galeotti said. “This is the one thing, the one job he can’t really outsource, and he’s not even trying.” The lack of response from military leaders to Prigozhin’s insults appeared to indicate they weren’t sure if Putin was on their side. St. Petersburg regional Gov. Alexander Beglov was another recent Prigozhin target, following their long-standing conflict rooted in Beglov’s reluctance to award lucrative contracts to Prigozhin’s companies. Just like the military leaders, Beglov has not responded. Prigozhin has allied with other hawkish officials, reportedly including Tula Gov. Alexei Dyumin, a former Putin bodyguard seen by many as a potential successor. The Wagner head also gravitated for some time toward Ramzan Kadyrov, the Moscow-backed regional leader of Chechnya. While denouncing most senior military leaders, Prigozhin spoke approvingly about Gen. Sergei Surovikin, who led Russian forces in Ukraine for several months before Putin appointed Gerasimov to oversee the operations. But some of those alliances have been shaky. While Kadyrov initially praised Prigozhin and backed some of his criticism of the military leaders, he later shifted course and criticized him for sounding defeatist. Kadyrov’s lieutenants went further, blasting Wagner's efforts in Bakhmut after Prigozhin made dismissive comments about Chechen fighters in Ukraine. Kadyrov’s right-hand man, Magomed Daudov, bluntly said Prigozhin would have been executed for such statements during World War II. Prigozhin quickly backed off, saying he was only expressing concern about Russian operations. Prigozhin has dodged questions about his ambitions, but in a move that reflected his desire to gain political clout, he recently toured Russia, continuing a barrage of blustery comments. “There are signs that he seeks some sort of political future,” Gould-Davies observed. Even though Prigozhin owes his position and wealth to Putin, he's playing the role of outsider with his criticism of some leaders and by trying to appeal to the masses amid setbacks in Ukraine, said Andrei Kolesnikov of the Carnegie Endowment. “He is posturing as an enemy of the elites, even though he is a product of Putin’s system, the embodiment of his regime and state contracts,” Kolesnikov said. “Prigozhin is playing an independent politician, raising the stakes and testing the system’s limits. But it’s only technically and physically possible for as long as Putin finds him useful and is amused by his escapades.” In a show of support for the military, Putin backed the Defense Ministry’s demand for all private companies to sign contracts with it — something Prigozhin has refused to do. And in another sign Putin's administration may finally be cutting Prigozhin down to size, messaging app channels connected to the Kremlin carried photos of his partying children, including a daughter in Dubai, in apparent retaliation for Prigozhin’s attacks on the defense minister’s daughter. Prigozhin has urged all-out war with Ukraine, including a total nationwide mobilization and the introduction of martial law in Russia — calls welcomed by some hawks. But Kolesnikov notes that the vast majority of Russians who are mostly apathetic or unwilling to make larger sacrifices could be frightened and appalled by that message. He cautions against overestimating Prigozhin’s clout and political prospects, and underestimating Putin's authority. "It’s enough for the commander-in-chief to move his finger to make the Wagner chief disappear,” Kolesnikov said. ___ Associated Press writer Danica Kirka in London contributed. ___ Follow AP's coverage of the war in Ukraine at https://apnews.com/hub/russia-ukraine-war Read More Ukraine war’s heaviest fight rages in east - follow live Charity boss speaks out over ‘traumatic’ encounter with royal aide Live Updates | Armed rebellion by Russian mercenary chief Furious Putin calls Wagner mutiny ‘treason’ and ‘mortal blow’ to troops –live Mapped: Inside Russian Wagner group’s road towards Moscow

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